The Indian origin of the Romani language was established already in the 18th century. Does the fact that the Roma speak an Indic language also imply that the ancestors of the Roma lived in India? There is of course no necessary link between linguistic and biological/genetic features, so an Indian origin of the Romani speakers could only be assumed on the exclusive evidence of the Romani language – but these linguistic data are not sufficient proof. Additional, solid historical, cultural or genetic evidence is needed for a link between Roma and populations in India, but thus far there was close to nothing.
In the past five years a number of empirical studies have appeared by geneticists on the Roma. Both overall genetic features, and rare heritable pathologies have been studied. Sometimes with the explicit purpose of investigating an Indian origin. Most of these studies also took linguistic data into account, general and/or dialectal. The resulting data shed light on the Indian origin of the Roma (now beyond doubt), and also to some extent they provide data on the migration routes between India and Europe, dialectal diversification and gene flow in Europe. Most data appear to supplement and corroborate linguistic data.
In my paper I will summarize these studies, and discuss some of the linguistic implications on the basis of what is known from Romani linguistics.
The proposed presentation aims to reveal the processes, through which the ethnonyms of the separate Gypsy groups appear. In this analysis are taken account for the two forms of existing of the ethnonyms as – endonyms (in the community itself) and exonyms (in front of the other Gypsy groups and the macro-society as a whole) – and the complex forms of correlation between them. Particular attention is turned to the cases, characteristic mainly for the Balkans (and the Gypsy groups who migrated from there in 19th-20th cc.), among who the ethnonyms are formed on the base of the carried out economic activities, characteristic for a given Gypsy group (the so-called professionyms), for instance Kalajdžii, Demirdžii, Kelderari, Košničari/Sepetčii and similar others.
Based on material, gathered from different Gypsy groups on the Balkans, and from groups, migrated from there, the different forms of functioning of endo- and exonyms will be presented, i.e. it will be analysed in what cases which from the endo- or exonyms are used and why. This will reveal also the circumstances in which the need for specific group appellation appear and vice versa in which circumstances the need for the group appellation disappear, thus we will be able to throw light on the cases in which particular Gypsy group are distinguished from others through clear expressed group etnonym and in which they are describing themselves only as “Roma”.
During the analysis of the complex and diverse variations of the correlations between the ethnonyms and professionyms of different Gypsy groups, one very important fact cannot escape attention. The professionyms (in many cases turned to be the only available for the group ethnonyms) fully (or almost fully, having in mind some specific cases) are formed on the base of the languages and the grammatical forms of the macro-society, in which the Gypsies live. Actually, summarizing, the professionyms, together with family-kin and territory-state characteristics, appear to be the most important criteria, on which the ethnonyms are formed (and in both of their forms of existence – as endonyms and exonyms) of the different Gypsy groups around the world.
The Roma Korturare or “tent people” is an important Romani group present especially in the region of Transylvania. During this last decade, this group has experienced more or less long stays abroad. In my paper, along with the description of central moments of marriage I will also depict some cultural characteristics from this group which I witnessed during my field study of a Roma community living as immigrants in Granada, Spain. The text intends to answer some ethnographical questions submitted to the Romani Dialectological Survey coordinated by Dr. Yaron Matras of the University of Manchester, England. The text includes elements of internal social organisation, such as raca or vica subdivisions and the foundational myth of bulibasha, strongly linked to a professional travelling tradition and of territorial dispersal. At the same time a strong identity bound is maintained and related to a particular linguistic variation. Such linguistic identity determines the construction of organisational categories within the circumstantial social context, particularly in respect to relations with other Roma groups.
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